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“Peaceful Transition" in Cuba: Dr. Emilio-Adolfo Rivero Whenever it comes to Cuba's situation, it seems that people lose their bearings: they don't know where they are, or where they're going. This state of affairs, which has held sway for many years, is not haphazard. Over decades, interested parties have managed to derail almost everyone's understanding and to frustrate appropriate action. The result, if you will, is a classic case of insanity: consciousness become an inversion of its proper self. And one must start by acknowledging that matters have come to this pass as the result of manipulation. The harm to Cuba, to Latin America and to the United States is enormously difficult to reckon. Public attention is now distracted by the false beacon of "peaceful transition" even as repression, official excess, and widespread impoverishment unfold apace in Cuba. Meanwhile, the Castrato or illicit Castro régime keeps gaining influence in South America. People speak and think about the shape of Cuba's future while Castro's opponents internal and expatriate maintain "pressure." They form civic groups inside Cuba; they launch protests, outcries, lectures, panels, conferences; they make visits to other heads of state and parliaments. No one talks about unseating Castro, a notion people evidently see as unthinkable, undoable. And at the same time they take for granted the régime's manifest, ominous legacies, its misadventures in Columbia and Venezuela, its civic destructiveness, its economic chaos, its involvement in narco-trafficking, terrorism, kidnapping, murder. Whoever might have tried, in a most wicked frame of mind, to construct a bloody and cruel political order in Cuba, as in Latin America, could never have caused so much suffering, destruction and bloodshed as those who now—in genuine, misguided good faith, not knowing the interests they serve—come together as a chorus to repeat, like an incantation, the slogan "peaceful transition"; a watchword that signifies, in the minds of its originators, the idea of no action against Castro. One might have thought that the recognitions and honors which people in other countries have lavished on opponents of the Castrato reflect a hostile attitude to that tyranny. Quite the opposite. People praise Castro's enemies as a means of establishing relations with a successor government, in the event the tyranny should fall. These foreigners are presently winning riches from the tyranny, and they hope to keep on profiting. The very countries that pretend to dislike Castro actually keep him in power with investments they make in the country, and with hundreds of thousands of tourists that go there every year, allowing the Castrato to collect monies that finance its repressive measures. A good part of this tourism gives rise to child prostitution the sale of young girls and boys that makes present-day Cuba into a mecca of sexual deviation. The notion of a "peaceful transition" encloses a hidden snare: it deprives the Cuban people of a decisive role at the very moment it should be choosing its fate. By trusting excessively in the favor and support of foreigners, the doctrine of "peaceful transition" confers on those very same foreigners the right to make Cuba's future laws and to name its governors. And such foreigners will always find figureheads to serve their interests, as centuries of European and Latin American history have amply shown. Another serious negative effect is that the U.S. is doing business with the Castrato, with constantly rising numbers of Americans traveling to Cuba. Such has been the dream of foreign investors for many years; they have wanted to involve the U.S. in commerce with the Castrato in order to gain the binding protection of the Stars and Stripes. For the people of Cuba, who have suffered and continued to suffer a hecatomb unparalleled in Latin America, this attitude on the part of many Americans has been, for four and forty years, a terrible disappointment and a severe blow. In the United States—where the people of Cuba have so many friends—there also live fiercely ambitious people who, pursuing wealth, do business with Castro in the name of "bringing democracy to Cuba." We still have many chances of overthrowing Castro. For decades, from foreigners as well as from our own people, funds and support have been forthcoming. Almost all of that has been squandered on objectives that have had little relationship to the goal of destroying the tyranny. Never have we lacked, nor do we now lack, for prosperous Cubans who are able to supply the means of bringing freedom to Cuba; and we have men and women who are quite ready to assume all the risks. A serious effort will not fail to attract the support and involvement of people from other countries. Cuba continues to exercise the charm it showed in the 19th century when popular opinion in Latin America, in the U.S. and in Europe ardently favored the Cubans' war of independence against an overbearing, exploitative, implacable and corrupt colonizer.
Translated from the original by David
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